Oct 2, 2024
One Candidate Is LOSING Blue-Collar Support
Former President Donald Trump has garnered more blue collar support than any Republican presidential candidate in a generation.
- 18 minutes
This is union households.
This is democratic margin
in presidential elections.
It ain't what it used to be.
You know, you go back to 1992, bill
Clinton won that union vote by 30 points.
Hillary Clinton only won it
by 12 points back in 2016.
That was the lowest mark
for a Democrat since 1984.
[00:00:15]
Mondale versus Reagan.
But look at where Kamala Harris is today.
She's only leading by nine points.
That would be the worst
Democratic performance in a generation,
ten points off the mark of Joe Biden,
who, of course, won four years ago,
was sort of that union guy.
Union Joe Wright won it by 19 points.
[00:00:32]
She's ten points off his mark
and the worst in a generation.
It's not looking good for Democrats
when it comes to the working class vote.
And to be sure, Trump is pulling in
a shocking level of support from union
[00:00:50]
members, which puts him on track for
the best performance of a GOP candidate
among workers in literally decades.
Now making matters worse for Kamala
Harris, Trump seems to have successfully
lured in workers in the trades.
[00:01:06]
This is something we've talked
about in previous weeks,
and I want to make sure everyone
remembers the workers in the trades.
They were typically loyal Democratic
voters, but that's not the case anymore.
[00:01:22]
Look at this margin. This to me.
Oh, boy.
Does this tell you about the state
of our politics now
versus back in the early 1990s?
Margin among vocational and trade
school grads and pre-election polling.
Bill Clinton was leading that vote
over George H.W.
Bush by seven points.
Look at where Donald Trump is today
over Kamala Harris, a 31 point advantage.
[00:01:43]
When I think people think
of the working class,
they think of people who use their hands.
And we know that Donald Trump
has been going after that vote,
and he is in a very, very strong position,
more so, perhaps, than any other block.
The folks who go to trade school,
vocational school that has moved from
being a core Democratic group to now being
a core group of Donald Trump's massive
[00:02:02]
amount of support among the working class.
So Harry Enten says there that Trump
has been going after their vote.
And some of you who are knowledgeable
about what Trump did with unions
and the National Labor Relations Board
under his watch and his term,
[00:02:19]
are probably pulling your hair out.
And I can understand why.
I mean, his policies
were not very friendly to workers.
I mean, one of the stories
that always stands out to me is
the former Google employee, James Damore,
who got fired from Google after he put out
a document explaining why he thinks women
[00:02:38]
or why Google is having a difficult time
attracting female coders to the company.
Now, he took his case to the National
Labor Relations Board under Donald Trump.
And remember, Donald Trump and the,
you know, conservative Republicans
[00:02:54]
really rallied around James Damore.
They defended him.
I actually defended him as well
because I read the entirety of his
document, and I think he's honestly,
I think he, in his mind,
thought he was trying to help the company
figure out ways or strategies
to bring in more women,
but he did it in a knuckleheaded way.
[00:03:12]
And rather than have a conversation
about him, they fired him.
I didn't agree with that.
I thought they should have had
the conversation instead.
Nonetheless, he goes to the NLRB.
He's thinking, Does Trump's
administration all the Republicans
have rallied around me.
They support me.
They think it was wrong, a gross injustice
that I got fired and the NLRB was,
[00:03:33]
full to the rim of anti-labor people
who were appointed by Trump.
And they basically told him, skedaddle.
Okay, skedaddle.
We're not going to help you out
with your case.
So I hear you guys, when you pull your
hair out about stories like this, right?
But at the same time, remember,
there is a difference
[00:03:50]
between politics and policy, okay?
And oftentimes when it comes
to the electoral process
and winning elections, Politics matters.
Maybe more than policy.
I hate to admit it,
but it seems to be true.
So when Donald Trump visited East
Palestine, Ohio, after that Norfolk
[00:04:10]
Southern train derailed and caused a toxic
situation for that local community.
You know, Trump visits and he buys
McDonald's for the first responders.
You know,
the firefighters and all of that.
And I gave him credit for it.
I thought it was smart politics.
[00:04:27]
And it's that kind of stuff
that I think ends up working to his favor
among working class Americans.
And I'm going to get into more
of the explanation or analysis
for why I think, you know, Democrats
are losing the working class vote.
But another sign of this
was also a story that we reported about
[00:04:45]
the Teamsters union, because, remember,
the Teamsters union decided we're going
to sit this election out and we're
not going to endorse either candidate,
which is unusual for them to do.
But while Sean O'Brien,
the head of the Teamsters union,
[00:05:00]
said the reason why they're making
this decision is because they went to both
parties and neither party would give them
the concessions they wanted.
In reality, I actually think it has more
to do with the members
of the Teamsters union and where their
feelings are on this election.
[00:05:17]
So if you look at the electronic poll
that was conducted, it showed that of the
Teamsters members, 59.6% support Trump,
only 34% support Harris.
And when you look at the poll
that was conducted over the phone,
[00:05:33]
the numbers are very similar.
58% supported Trump, 31% supported Harris.
And, as Dustin Guastalla,
who's a writer at Jacobin, points out,
this finding would be consistent with the
fact that some 56% of non-college educated
[00:05:50]
voters overall support Trump, according to
the Times Siena poll from September 8th.
Okay, so let's break it down.
What is happening.
I think that there's a number
of different factors.
As I mentioned, as much as you might be
a policy wonk and as informed as you might
[00:06:07]
be on the different policies that were
implemented or pursued by both parties,
you kind of have to put that aside
and think about the optics and the
and the politics of the two candidates.
Right.
And so right now, I do think
that a lot of people in the country are
[00:06:23]
still getting to know Kamala Harris, which
is why it is shortsighted to avoid doing
as many interviews as you possibly can.
There needs to be more specificity
in regard to how Kamala Harris plans
to help ordinary working Americans.
I think that she has fallen
short on that in her campaigning so far.
[00:06:40]
You know, she's put out
some vague policies that sound good,
but there needs to be, I think,
more attention paid to ordinary Americans.
She's kind of shifted in recent weeks
to a more moderate, pro-business message.
And I don't know if there's some
sort of testing going on behind the scenes
[00:06:58]
that shows that that's going
to actually help her in the race,
but it does come at a cost.
It comes at a cost where workers are like,
all right, well, I'm going to go for
the guy who's engaging in the politics.
That signals to me that he cares about me
more, even if his policies behind
the scenes aren't so great for workers.
[00:07:14]
Right.
And so let's get to the details on that.
Yes.
Biden's NLRB
much friendlier to to workers.
He also, Biden worked behind the scenes
to get paid time off for the rail workers
who were going to go on strike
before he intervened.
[00:07:32]
So he got a lot of heat for intervening,
and we gave him a lot of heat for that.
But Biden did then go behind the scenes
to secure what the rail workers
were going to strike for,
and that was the paid time off.
And Biden's Federal Trade
Commission has been great.
But Biden's pro-union efforts
obviously were drowned out by something
[00:07:51]
that isn't quite fair to pin on him.
And that's inflation. Right now,
inflation was caused by multiple Factors
and inflation like increased
the cost of living to a point
where even if you're a union worker
and you've got a few concessions
[00:08:08]
because of Biden's involvement,
you're still paying a lot more for the
same essential items that you paid for.
Under Trump, when it was a lot cheaper
under Trump, well, then you're going to
think of Trump as a better leader, right?
Even if it doesn't make any sense.
[00:08:24]
You're going to think of him
as a better leader who kept inflation low.
Cost of living was low.
Things were better.
That's the kind of mindset
that I think has kind of set in inflation,
whether Biden likes it or not,
whether the Democrats like it or not
really ends up getting blamed
on the person in charge
at the time inflation happens.
[00:08:42]
And that's Biden and the Democrats,
unfortunately.
And Biden's pro-union efforts fell short
when it came to things
like the pro act like The New Republic
published a piece like Just Furious,
about where workers are on this election
because they're like,
[00:08:59]
why are you guys stupid?
Don't you know
the Democrats are way better?
But guys, I don't think
that that approach is going to win, okay?
By attacking the workers or attacking
the voters, it's not a smart strategy.
You're not going
to win people over that way.
[00:09:15]
You have to kind of understand
where they're coming from.
And when The New Republic cited the pro
act, I mean, the writer was like,
yeah, I mean, Democrats, they're in favor
of the pro act and Republicans aren't.
Okay, but no one cares about
the Democrats legislative wish list.
[00:09:32]
Ordinary people are not like, you know,
they haven't passed any legislation.
But I'd like to look at legislation
they wished they could pass.
They didn't pass the Pro act.
So you can't give Democrats credit
for legislation that they failed to pass.
You get what I'm saying?
[00:09:48]
Like the signaling might mean a lot
to affluent people who work in media,
but the signaling doesn't mean,
Jack to ordinary workers
who might want to organize their workplace
but don't have the protection of the Pro
act because let's keep it real.
[00:10:04]
They didn't really fight for it
when they had the opportunity
in the first two years of Biden's term.
Of course, he had a majorities in both the
House and a slim majority in the Senate.
I will admit that.
But, they were so unwilling to do
something about the Senate's legislative
[00:10:20]
filibuster that they were unable to pass
any of these pro-labor bills that they,
you know, purportedly care
so much about and want to pass.
And look, unfortunately
for the Democratic Party, Biden was,
[00:10:36]
a bit of a bump in the road when it comes
to this ongoing trend in the party.
And we got to keep it real.
Okay, so this is a huge problem.
I didn't even know that this was set
in 2016, but it gives you a sense of where
[00:10:51]
Democratic leadership's head is at.
Okay. So in July of 2016.
Chuck Schumer said this
during a Washington Post forum.
They were noticing that Democrats
were bleeding support among union members
[00:11:08]
and working class Americans.
And so Schumer was asked about it
during this Washington Post forum.
Again, this is in July of 2016.
Here's what he said.
The electorate is moving
in a more democratic direction
when middle class incomes decline.
[00:11:26]
People tend to move
in a more progressive direction.
Yeah.
Look, the senator maybe should have
considered that the middle class incomes
were declining under the leadership
of a Democratic president
[00:11:41]
for the last eight years.
Who do you think the middle class is going
to blame for their incomes shrinking,
for income inequality increasing?
Are they going to blame Republicans
who aren't in charge, or are they going
to blame the Democrats who are in charge?
[00:11:56]
So like that thinking was
so unbelievably dumb.
But if you.
Thought that was a terrible statement,
it gets worse.
For every blue collar Democrat we lose
in western Pennsylvania,
we will pick up two moderate Republicans
in the suburbs in Philadelphia.
[00:12:13]
And you can repeat that in Ohio
and Illinois and Wisconsin.
How did that work out for you, Schumer?
This was in 2016,
before the 2016 presidential election,
in which, of course, Donald Trump won.
[00:12:31]
And since then, Democrats have continued
to bleed support among union members
and working class Americans.
And that is devastating, because
Democrats used to be the party of FDR.
They used to be thought of as the party
that looked out
for working class Americans.
[00:12:46]
And look, if they want to tout
what their legislative wish list is,
they need to improve on their messaging
and they need to deliver.
It is going to hurt them.
If each time people trust them,
get out the vote, canvass for them and get
[00:13:04]
them elected, they turn around and they
fail to fight for the policies that they
claim that they wanted to champion.
Once they get elected or reelected,
they have to deliver.
There's going to be consequences
electorally in the future
if they don't deliver.
So I think that is also
what's happening here.
[00:13:21]
I've spoken to a few Teamsters
who happen to be friends of mine,
and I was curious, you know,
where their head was at on this issue.
And there are a lot of Teamsters who are
concerned about losing jobs to immigrants.
So, look, that messaging
has apparently also been effective.
[00:13:39]
And I think that's part of the reason
why Democrats have taken a more,
I guess, moderate approach to immigration
compared to what we were hearing in 2016.
But the final thing I'll say is I found
this excerpt in, Stella's Is
[00:13:55]
reporting really, really interesting
because I agree and he wasn't specific,
but I'll get specific on his behalf.
Okay.
He wrote, it is no secret
that the Democratic Party's image,
interests and value system
are far closer to that of upper middle
[00:14:10]
class liberals than they are to
that of the average working class person
on cultural issues, too.
It is the case that many workers
feel deeply alienated
from the liberal perspective.
So he again is vague there.
[00:14:26]
But, you know, he's basically talking
about certain culture war narratives
or certain things
that the Democratic Party like,
leans into and kind of front loads
in their in their campaigns
and through the electoral process, you
know, rather than having a hyper focused,
[00:14:42]
principled message on materially improving
the lives of everyone,
which I think would be a valuable message
that would obviously appeal to people,
you know, they get kind of caught up
in these like small edge case type things,
and they do a lot of nagging.
[00:14:59]
They do a lot of scolding,
and that turns a lot of voters off.
And, I was actually shocked to find out
that my late friend
Michael Brooks's sister had disclosed
something about Michael that I knew,
but I just didn't feel comfortable
talking about it publicly.
[00:15:15]
I mean, he's gone here. He's gone now.
He isn't here to speak for himself,
but he wrote a book
that I highly recommend you guys all read.
It's called Against the Web
A Cosmopolitan Answer to the New Right.
And in it, of course, he talks
about the right, but he also talks about
[00:15:31]
some of the shortcomings of the left,
namely in the area of like
the culture wars and all of that.
And so here's what Licia said
that Michael had talked to her about
in their very last conversation.
Michael was so done with identity
politics and cancel culture,
[00:15:48]
he just really wanted to focus on
integrity and basic needs for people and
all the other noise like Diversification
of the ruling class or whatever.
Everyone's obsessed
with the virtue signaling.
He was just like, it's just going
to be co-opted by capitalism
[00:16:06]
and used against other people and,
you know, vilify people and make it easier
to extract labor from them.
Yeah.
I mean, there's definitely,
some elaboration of that in his book.
But the point here isn't to say,
oh, we need to exclude people.
[00:16:25]
The point here is to say, no,
we need to be more forgiving, accepting,
tolerant and welcoming to people.
Because when you engage in the vilifying,
when you engage in the finger pointing,
when you make your party seem like you're
not allowed to have a different thought,
[00:16:45]
or else you're going to be, you know,
labeled a heretic or something like that,
like all of that stuff
is not appealing to people.
So it doesn't surprise me that,
you know, Dustin Guastalla mentioned
that in his analysis for why Democrats
are losing some working class support.
[00:17:00]
But honestly, I think all of that pales
in comparison to the lack of policy wins
when it comes to materially improving
workers lives in this country.
I think if Democrats were able
to accomplish some of their policy goals,
[00:17:16]
like paid family leave,
for instance, well, then they can point
to something real and substantive
and universal that benefits people.
And right now, they can't do that.
Biden didn't fight for his own agenda.
He was willing to separate the
physical infrastructure from the social
[00:17:31]
infrastructure in the Build Back Better
plan, and he knew it was going to happen.
He knew that Republicans
and corporate Democrats wanted
that to happen so they could vote in favor
of the physical infrastructure bill,
which, of course, ends up giving
all sorts of federal government grants
[00:17:47]
to private companies,
while also squashing
the social infrastructure bill that would
have provided paid family leave financial
assistance to Americans
who need to take time off work in order
to take care of their ailing parents,
that kind of stuff.
[00:18:02]
These are serious issues
that need to be dealt with in the country,
and I think people are kind of sick
about hearing from Democrats
who claim they want to fix these issues,
run on fixing these, these issues,
and then get elected and immediately heal.
[00:18:17]
So these actions have consequences.
That's my take on it.
Curious what you all think.
Share your comments in the comment section
or send in your comments
if you're watching us live.
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